TIME selects 2012 Best Photographer for his work in Egypt, Palestine, Syria

TIME’s Photo Department faces a daunting task every year as it shuffles through millions of powerful photographs to determine the best and most dynamic photographer on the wires. This year, they honor Italian-born Marco Longari, the Jerusalem-based chief photographer for Agence-France Presse (AFP) who in just the last few months covered the revolution in Syria, the Israeli shelling of Gaza, and the persistent protests in Cairo.

His photographic tour through the Middle East took viewers on a journey of shifting political landscapes. But he focused on the human aspect of these turbulent times and managed to tell important stories. As the TIME Photo Department so aptly writes, “Longari made picture after picture this year that mattered.”

In an interview with TIME, Longari shared what he calls “the most humbling lesson in compassion” he’s experienced in his entire career. He arrived at Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City just after an Israeli air strike. Waiting to photograph the ensuing chaos, he phoned his family currently staying in Jerusalem but the line was cut. He managed to compose himself but the unease was still there. That’s when he felt the burden that Palestinians face on a daily basis.

Here are a small selection of his photographs. The rest can be found here.

[Read more...]

Goodbyes are never easy

“One Occupied Gazan Summer” is a three-part personal narrative by Mariam I. who explores her thoughts and retraces her steps during her most recent visit to the Gaza Strip. Read part one here and part two here.

Part three of three. One of the most painful moments of my summer was sharing a tearful farewell with my mother the morning she was set to leave Gaza through Egypt, one week before her flight to the United States. I woke up, got dressed for work, and went to the side of her bed to tell her two months was not long enough to be sad about not seeing each other and that before we’d miss each other, I’d be rejoining her in the United States.

Before I could say any of those things, my mother’s tears were streaming down her face. I knew that as hard as it was for her to leave Palestine, it was harder for her to leave me there, uncertain of my safety. I hugged her, told her I’d miss her, and asked her to have a safe trip before I ran out of the room as quickly as I could. She couldn’t see me cry; I had to be strong so she wouldn’t worry. Goodbyes are never easy.

I cried in the stairwell and as I walked down the unpaved road in front of the house. I was able to compose myself in time to not look crazy before I had to hail a taxi. That was a difficult day of work. I found myself constantly searching the news for information on the status of the Rafah Crossing. How many busses were let through, how may were sent back, how many people were trapped in the lobby waiting to cross into Egypt?

I was terrified; my mother’s flight was approaching and she needed to get through as soon as possible, but also, I didn’t want to have to deal with another painful goodbye. I went home from work that day in the same depressed state that I arrived in. I entered the house and went straight for the kitchen, but oddly, I imagined my mother’s laugh. [Read more...]

Profile: Khalil Kishawi, earning a Master’s at a taxi stand

‘Palestinian Profiles in America’ is a project committed to exploring and documenting the personal histories of Palestinian Americans from all walks of life. In order to best examine the Palestinian condition in the United States, it is absolutely necessary to share the stories of refugees, blue-collar workers, newlyweds, and anyone in between. To suggest a story or individual to be profiled, please use the contact form here.

Khalil Kishawi shares his personal history from when he first worked in Libyan oilfields to when he worked dayshifts as an accountant and nightshifts as a taxi driver.

Standing at the six-cornered intersection where Elston Avenue crosses Western and Diversey is a woman in her mid-30s patiently waiting to cross the street. But the virtually imperceptible way her eyes darted from car to car tell veteran taxi driver Khalil Kishawi she is actually trying to flag down a cab.

This ability to read pedestrians is a skill he had developed when he first began driving in the mid-1980s. Three decades and a combination of careers later, Khalil lets me in on some of his most personal experiences living far from his home in occupied Palestine.

Khalil Kishawi is one of nine siblings born to Abdelrahman and Mozayyann in the dense Remal neighborhood of Gaza City. Born just a year and a half after Israel’s unilateral declaration of independence in 1948, he watched Gaza’s landscape transform from colorful economic and cultural prosperity to the drab green of military fatigues surrounding the territory.

For the first seventeen years of his life, Khalil bore witness to the harsh realities of foreign occupation. Control of Gaza transferred from the British to the Egyptians and then to the Israelis. His prospects for a stable future seemed to slip away after each subsequent military operation so, in 1967, he left Gaza and joined three of his older siblings in Cairo.

Khalil graduated from Cairo University with a degree in commerce (equivalent to a Bachelor’s degree in accounting) four years later. Intending to become entirely self-sufficient and to help support his younger siblings back home in Gaza, he traveled to Libya to work for Esso, known today as the Exxon Oil Company in Brega. For just under a year, Khalil handled the oil terminal’s inventory and accounting. He would work for two weeks straight before taking a weeklong vacation outside of the industrial settlement and seaport.

Eventually, Khalil moved on to work as an accountant for Libya’s state television network. Himself being Palestinian, he felt particularly sensitive to the way the television network unabashedly colluded with the Libyan government in exploiting the Palestinian struggle for its own political advancement. When Muammar Gaddafi’s 1977 speech was met with a tremendously low turnout, he contacted Khalil’s managing director and demanded the network broadcast footage from an old and more lively rally in which he championed, among other things, the Palestinian cause.

No longer capable of tolerating the network’s attempts to deceive the public in the government’s favor, Khalil quickly resigned and left the country for the United Kingdom. [Read more...]

Optimism and cynicism surrounding Egypt’s first elected leader

Mohammed Mursi, a Muslim Brotherhood “mediocrity” (as Robert Fisk so nonchalantly puts it), was declared Egypt’s first ever democratically-elected President this Sunday in a dramatic conclusion to an even more dramatic election. And while Mursi might indeed be nothing more than mediocre, his victory is at the helm of the discourse in Egypt, Palestine, and even Israel. What does his win mean and what will it bring?

Mursi’s victory wasn’t necessarily expected, for me at least. After all, the military junta positioned high above Egypt’s political sphere shares more in common with Mursi’s counterpart Ahmed Shafik, a leftover from the old regime. But to rig an election with the whole world watching is a daunting task that would certainly have led to more blood on the streets. Mursi’s win, then, was also a blessing in one way or another.

Mursi once drove a tok tok, those three-wheeled motorcycle and wagon hybrids that have taken Gaza by storm. In parts of Egypt (and Gaza, too) the tok tok is a status symbol for the poor. It implies hard work, long hours, and low wages. In essence, Mursi can identify with the layers of underprivileged Egyptians who, for almost a century, struggled against the weighty “reforms” of previous regimes. I use the past tense (“struggled” instead of “struggle) for a reason: although the dismal socioeconomic condition for most of the Egyptian population isn’t going to miraculously turn around in the next few years, Mursi has given many a reason to believe that it can. [Read more...]

Of Occupation, Resistance and Women

Guest contribution by Roqayah Chamseddine

Despite the establishment of stale orientalist campaigns, created in the name of women’s liberation in the Middle East and North Africa, the existence of enduring, self-sufficient women in the region has far-reaching historical context. The search for female Middle East voices amongst pundits in the mainstream media echoes the same tired “Palestinian Gandhi” aphorism; analysts have long used Laurence of Arabia-esque exoticism as a means to portray the women of the Arab world, in that if they are not subservient housewives they are coy and reserved daughters, sheltered and locked away by the domineering male figures in the household. These conjectures are not false in their entirety, but they are also not subjective as to one specific region, culture, religion or people.

The pervasive Western tradition of characterizing an entire community by certain traits, which their Western audiences can ooh and ahh at, has helped manufacture a plethora of distortions. History confirms that Arab women have long played an active political role in their societies; from Egyptian women who demonstrated alongside men during the Egyptian Revolution of 1919, against British occupation of Egypt and Sudan, to resistance fighter Jamila Bu Hreid of Algeria, who was nearly tortured to death by French occupation forces during the Algerian revolution and independence movement, lasting  from 1954 to 1962, which resulted in Algeria gaining its independence from France. South Lebanon, liberated in 2000 after nearly 22 years of Israeli occupation, was also home to female political action. Lebanese women would quietly supply resistance fighters with ammunition, often times wrapping them across their stomachs before passing through Israeli checkpoints unnoticed. [Read more...]

A brief deconstruction of “Sh*t People Say About Israel”

Pro-Israel students, under the guidance of The David Project, recently joined the “Sh*t [people] say” internet craze on YouTube with their own video, “Sh*t People Say About Israel”. Filmed at the University of Illinois at Chicago, the film clearly takes aim at supporters of the Palestinian cause and patronizes them as ignorant and misinformed. But the video fails on so many levels. Let’s see what kind of “Sh*t” these student hasbarists have to say.

1. Israel doesn’t even want peace.

If it did, it probably wouldn’t be incarcerating children or building concrete barriers through Palestinian villages or preventing Arabs from marrying Israelis or arming fanatical settlers colonizing the West Bank or demolishing homes or tearing through olive tree groves or shooting high velocity tear gas canisters at the faces of unarmed demonstrators.

2. I heard everyone there is in the army.

In Israel, military service is compulsory for all citizens above the age of 18. Recruits serve between two and three years and are given the opportunity to extend their service. Clearly, not everyone in Israel is in the military at any given moment, but the mandatory service means that most adult citizens have, at one point or another, served as an active military unit involved in the maintenance of a condemned and illegal occupation of Palestine.

Mind you, there does exist a refusenik subculture in Israel, but unless these individuals refuse to join the military for religious reasons, they are often stigmatized and prosecuted under Israeli law. Maya Wind, for example, spent forty days in a military prison for refusing to join the Israeli military on the basis that she could not agree with the military’s illegal activity towards the Palestinian people.

[Read more...]

Ohio State’s Triple Helix tags Islam as “Nazism in the Middle East” [Resolved]

Update: The Triple Helix has confirmed that the tag has been removed. The publication uses an automatic tag-generator and this tag was regrettably and accidentally overlooked. According to the Triple Helix, “we do not endorse the view implied by the tagging”. I commend the Triple Helix for remedying the mistake in a timely and respectful fashion.

Editor’s note: The author of this Triple Helix article has indicated to me that he was not behind the offensive tag (see comment below). Rather, the tag was chosen by the publication. The author has also indicated that he will be contacting the publishers to have the tag removed. The contents of this article have been edited to reflect this information.

Every once in a while, if I’m lucky (or unlucky), I happen to stumble across something so offensive that I begin to question society’s ethical standards. In fact, this happens far too often and most of my day is spent wondering why people do the things they do or why they say the things they say.

In a post dated back to July 8, 2011, the Triple Helix at Ohio State University equated the Muslim Brotherhood and Islam to Nazism based in the Middle East. Something is very wrong with this picture.

I should provide you with some background. The Triple Helix is an international student-run publication that “addresses interdisciplinary issues in modern science”. The organization boasts at least twenty-eight chapters, many of which are based in the nation’s most elite universities. Seeking new writers and editors, the chapter hosted at my university sent out an email linking to the organization’s website. Naturally, I found the “Politics” tab to the left and, hoping to find insightful articles on the intersection between global health and public policy, clicked it. The second listed article commanded my attention with its bold title: “Muslim Brotherhood: A Different Breed of Islamists”. It was written anonymously by student writers at the Triple Helix at Ohio State.

Ignoring the condescending title (which refers to Muslims as ‘breeds’), the article’s content isn’t the most disagreeable. It blasts the United States’ intentional misunderstanding and mislabeling of the Muslim Brotherhood as a fundamentalist and illegitimate political group working in conjunction with Al Qaeda. The author goes so far as to identify the Muslim Brotherhood as a strategic ally for America, a moderate religious group, one that “’lures thousands of young Muslim men into lines for elections … instead of into the lines of jihad’”.* [Read more...]

To the Egyptian woman beaten in a Cairo street, I am beyond sorry

To the Egyptian woman beaten in a Cairo street,

I can’t find the words to express my outrage at what has happened to you. I am beyond sorry. While I watched uniformed soldiers rain down their batons on your face, arms, and legs, I felt the bruising myself. Even though we were separated by thousands of miles and a dim computer screen, we shared the same thoughts: how can human beings stoop to such a low level?

I have never met you and it is likely that I never will but I see you as a sister, a sister I will forever respect for having the courage that I myself lack, for having the determination to defy the institutionalized corruption and oppression that has returned to Egypt after you ousted Hosni Mubarak almost one year ago, for putting your life on the line and being the example the world needs.

To watch an uncivilized and inhumane group of cowards treat you with such brutal indignity is to watch a black cloud settle over the entirety of Egypt. To watch a soldier stomp on you with his boot is to see clear evidence of the abuse that must be put to end. But more importantly, to watch these ruthless things — I can’t call them men as I am a man myself and wouldn’t dare level myself with them — strip you of your clothing is to watch humanity at its lowest form.

I am unsure of your condition and whether or not you are aware that the Egyptian armed forces have been publicly shamed in the world’s eyes. Millions have seen the footage of your beating. Millions watched soldiers drag you down a street layered with spent rubber bullets and sharp stones. But these same millions have also seen your most well-kept secret, your most treasured personal belonging: your bare body. I am beyond sorry. [Read more...]

What the Arab Spring means to me

To even the most distracted observer, honor plays a tremendous role in the Arab culture. That which is flawed is dealt with privately. That which is embarrassing is kept hidden from the outside world. That which requires maintenance or a reorientation from dishonorable to honorable remains internalized. Only those things that raise the collective head of the Arab community are put out for display.

In a sense, this description can apply to any group or individual. But pride in one’s culture, family, and community overwhelmingly defines the Arab psyche, and anything that does otherwise is typically questioned in private or avoided outright. So when the revolution in Tunisia began, I sat in silence – outraged by the poor social conditions that led to the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi but humiliated that the world lay witness to our political, economic, social, and religious insufficiencies. [Read more...]

Pictures of the Mubarak Trial

Post will be updated.

Charged with corruption and attempted murder by targeting unarmed pro-democracy demonstrators during the Egyptian Revolution of January 25, Hosni Mubarak lies on a hospital bed inside of the ‘cage’ within an Egyptian courtroom that, ironically, once bore his name. He is joined by his two sons, Alaa and Gamal, his former Interior Minister, and a number of other ex-government officials being tried for various high crimes.

Hosni Mubarak’s trial has been adjourned until August 15.

Here are a series of screenshots and images from the first day of the publicized Mubarak Trial.

Hosni Mubarak’s face captured through the ‘cage’.

 Hosni Mubarak’s two sons, Gamal (left) and Alaa (right), wearing white jumpsuits. Hosni Mubarak is lying on a stretcher to the left of Gamal.

Judge Ahmed Rifaat presides over the court.

Side view of the “defense team” comprised of dozens of lawyers representing Mubarak, his sons, and the six other elite government officials from the former regime.

Hosni Mubarak’s elbow and a side of his face can be seen through the ‘cage’ in the courtroom. [Read more...]

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